1.For the Unified Russia Party, the federal elections will not be as easily-won as that seemed at the first glance. Risk factors will be of essence, as they say inside the Unified Russia, the Kondopoga events has cut the party's votes in Karelia by 7 to 10 percent. Much will depend upon the level of social tension, because the sweeps between the two subcultures are unpredictable. Above all, the party will have to supplement its federal program with the regional ones.
2.Experts believe, the past elections proved the viability of the 'second government party' project. As the elections revealed, the alliance of the Russian Party of Life, Russian Pensioners' Party and Motherland Party has in fact became the second government party. As to the Equitable Russia's perspectives, one should made a note of the RPP's increasing 'political weight', that might affect an alignment of forces among the project participants. The 'social' rhetoric is topical and called for thus making the project's perspectives look favorable.
3.The past elections, that are to be seen as the model for the State Duma elections of December 2007, proved the governing elite's wish to rely on the solid  pro-presidential majority in the parliament-to-come, with no party controlling the constitutional majority, for the new head of state to be elected right after the parliamentary elections would need diverse pro-presidential majority to keep the space for maneuver.
4.The Liberals still have not very significant chance to overcome the 7-percent electoral barrier. If they come to agreement upon just one liberal-minded party participating in the elections, they might repeat the Union's of Right Forces success in 1999. In this case, there would be the fifth party in the State Duma, unlike after the previous elections. If the Liberals fail to coordinate their positions, they, most likely, will find themselves outside the parliament again.